An Islamic Threat?

In the aftermath of the World Trade Center bombing, considerable media attention has focused on militant Islam as an international phenomenon with domestic manifestations. The blind Egyptian religious leader, Sheikh Umar abd al-Rahman, has become the new symbol for this sinister face of Islam. Various political leaders and pundits now refer to the "Islamic threat."

Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak publicly underscored the dangers posed by Muslim militants in his first official visit to Washington during the Clinton administration; the issue is a pressing one in Egypt. Extremists associated with the Gamaa Islamiyya (Islamic Group) have targeted Coptic Orthodox churches, individual Christians, and several European tour groups this year.

Within days of Mubarak's visit, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzak Rabin arrived in Washington with similar warnings. In particular, Israeli officials blame HAMAS (the Islamic Resistance Movement) for multiple attacks on soldiers and civilians both in Israel and the Occupied Territories. Last December, the Rabin government abruptly deported more than 400 Gazans for alleged ties to HAMAS. The forced expulsion created an international controversy. Until May, it also created a massive obstacle to the resumption of Middle East peace talks.

Numerous other developments point to increased political activity by Islamic groups: the rapid growth of the Islamic Salvation Front and the brutal government suppression of that group during Algerian elections in 1992 (more than 12,000 were jailed this past year); the imposition of Islamic law in Sudan; the growing strength of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan where parliamentary elections are slated for 1993; ongoing revolutionary rhetoric by the Hizbollah (Party of God) in Lebanon and groups in Iran.

Is there an "Islamic threat"? No--not in the way many in the media and some government officials are suggesting. Without question, individuals and groups in predominantly Muslim lands are turning increasingly to Islam as a source of inspiration and political organization. But these various groups and movements cannot be explained simply as part of some monolithic movement--some have resorted to violence and terrorism; most reject violence and work openly in political parties. Rather, they can and should be understood in their respective contexts.

THE BEHAVIOR OF extremists in Egypt is linked directly to an effort to destabilize the Mubarak government. The raison d'etre for HAMAS is rooted in Palestinian frustrations over the failure to achieve a measure of justice and peace during the longstanding conflict with Israel.

Similarly, a look at the context helps explain recent political upheavals in Algeria, Lebanon, and many other countries. Unrepresentative political structures, systematic human rights abuses, and obvious economic disparity are among the sources of frustration commonly found in places where Islamic groups are most active.

The simplistic image of an "Islamic threat" fits into an all too familiar pattern. In the wake of the Cold War, there is a vacuum that seemingly must be filled. For some months the threat was couched in economic terms. First it was the European Economic Community; next it was Japan. Now, Islam has moved into the prime position as the global threat to "our way of life."

Political Islam is here to stay. Political structures in many lands with Muslim majorities are in the process of change. In most settings, the changes will be painful and will involve turbulent upheaval. We must resist the temptation to extrapolate too quickly from the predictable media focus on the most sensational events and extremist factions.

IN ORDER TO gain a broader perspective, imagine yourself as a Muslim living in Pakistan or Bangladesh. How might you understand Christianity if your primary images were coming via media reports on Serbian atrocities against Bosnian Muslim women and children, or on the devastation wrought by the massive U.S.-led allied bombing of Iraq during the Gulf war, or on the tragedy of the Branch Davidian confrontation in Waco? While these are all part of the picture, it would be highly misleading to construct a monolithic image of political Christianity in the absence of far more information and thoughtful contextual analysis.

Concerned Christians in the West certainly need not condone or defend violent behavior by Muslims or others seeking political change. We should, however, seek to understand what is happening and why in each setting to get a better framework for understanding and advocacy.

The long history of misunderstanding and mutual antipathy between Christians and Muslims makes it difficult for both communities to see the human face of the other. And yet this is at the heart of the challenge. For our part, we must go beyond the popular images in order to see people caught in and wrestling with particular circumstances. Otherwise we may support policies that contribute to existing sources of frustration. In so doing, we may unwittingly help make the "Islamic threat" a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Charles Kimball was associate professor of religion at Furman University and the author of Striving Together: A Way Forward in Christian-Muslim Relations when this article appeared.